There is a myth at large in this Fakelection that the hour of Youth’s triumph is at hand. It isn’t – and the last thing Britain needs at the moment is either deeper austerity or an overdose of socialism.
Those two stalwarts of complete tosh the Guardian and Independent just can’t stop writing about how under 30-somethings are 4,807 times more likely to vote for Corbyn than for May. And there’s always an edge to the comments hinting that older people are voting otherwise because they’re greedy, selfish or no longer capable of making rational decisions. The same thing is going on in social media, where I’ve been taking note of some dozen or so folks I follow who every morning without fail at the moment trot out the Labour line for that day. I wonder if they’re being paid to do it: it wouldn’t surprise me.
I’m not going to vote Tory, but I would question the wisdom of constantly going on about how Corbyn is a Yoof hero and so that must be good of course it is don’t you know anything. In fact, if pressed I would volunteer two undeniable facts about election heroes and those who vote for them:
- The track record of such instant Messiahs is truly awful. From Pierre Trudeau via Jimmy Carter and all the way through Blair, Hague and Clegg to Trump, those threatening to break the mould invariably wind up sounding mouldy within a maximum of eighteen months – and being vilified in the end.
- Such Messiahs nearly always rise to power (and then blow it) on the votes of the not very bright, and the naivety of youth.
It’s perfectly obvious from the statements they applaud, the things they tweet and what they write in comment threads, for example, that a terrifying percentage of Brits really do think Coalbin is going to deliver on his promises, and really is being refreshingly honest in everything he says.
While I grant you that, in his overall sincerity, Uncle Jesus is a cut above the vast majority of politicians, he obviously isn’t going to be able to deliver, and he very clearly isn’t being honest at all. There is in fact a strong streak of cynicism in his selling shtick.
I’m sure that – unlike the Abbott of Hackney – Jezzer can add up. He thus knows that the costings offered for his almost daily addition of new promises tend to use the same “wasted” Conservative budget for something else two or three times over. And while he has a treasure trove of contextual wriggle-excuses about his firebrand past, he is as evasive about this as he is about future policy regarding the Banks, defence, Brexit and immigration. Finally, there must surely be doubts about a bloke who appoints a Marxist to be Shadow Chancellor, and a sloppy dingbat racist to shadow the Home Office.
Jeremy’s baggage as an unyielding ideologue is there to be seen by everyone not in denial and awake, and this remains my problem with him. While another narrative in the Labour online campaign has been his record as “having been on the right side of history” over the years, in fact almost the diametric opposite is true: he was wrong about Winnie Mandela, wrong about the ANC, wrong about Mugabe, wrong about China, wrong about the Falklands, amoral on the subject of IRA murders, two-faced about the European Union, and is naive about Islamism.
But as I wrote at the weekend, there is no doubt that electorally he plays well, offers a clear strategy and is a master tactician. These talents – along with the patently leprous nature of all his opponents – have ensured that he made a dent in the Conservative lead vastly deeper than most observers thought possible.
I give him all the credit in the world for this, and emotionally I would love to see him give neoliberal Toryism a good thrashing. But I give no credit at all to those thinking either he or the other more lacklustre Party leaders have the remotest chance of avoiding our comeuppance; for money-mad, paper-services obsessed Britain is heading for a Government fiscal, banking and household debt disaster. That this will be exacerbated by Jihadism is beyond doubt. That Jeremy Corbyn would be walked over as a Brexit negotiator is equally certain.
My central point bears repetition: Britain doesn’t have a political problem. It has instead deep cultural, educational, media, economic balance and constitutional problems spanning right across the piece of fake representation, ideological constipation, the Rule of Law, and the closed Party shop at Westminster. None of these will be addressed by any of those standing at this (or indeed any other) election until such time as a powerful reform movement begins to gather momentum beyond the legislature.